57 pages 1 hour read

A History of the World in Seven Cheap Things

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2017

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Themes

The Conceptual Divide Between Nature and Society

Patel and Moore argue that the conceptual divide between nature and society is a relatively recent invention, emerging in the 16th century as a strategic response to the crisis of feudalism and the rise of early capitalism. This dualistic worldview, which the authors term the “Cartesian revolution,” not only enabled the cheap appropriation and exploitation of the natural world but also excluded the majority of humans from the category of “Society,” relegating them to the realm of “Nature.” They argue that this binary has become so deeply entrenched in modern thought that it is often taken for granted as a natural and inevitable way of understanding the world.

Patel and Moore assert that the unraveling of the feudal system compelled ruling elites to seek new strategies for maintaining and expanding their wealth and power. Central to these strategies was the concept of “cheap nature”—the idea that nature could be treated as an infinite and expendable resource, external to human society, which could be appropriated and exploited at minimal cost. This cheapening of nature, the authors contend, was made possible by the Cartesian dualism of mind and matter, which posited a fundamental separation between the realm of human thought and agency (society) and the material world of bodies and objects (nature).

However, Patel and Moore emphasize that the nature-society divide did not simply separate humans from the rest of the natural world; it also drew boundaries within humanity itself. The authors highlight how the invention of nature and society was deeply entwined with the projects of colonialism, racism, and patriarchy. Indigenous peoples, Africans, and women were all placed on the nature side of the divide, cast as savage, irrational, and closer to animals than to civilized European men: “[T]he realm of Nature included virtually all peoples of color, most women, and most people with white skin living in semicolonial regions (e.g., Ireland, Poland)” (51). This exclusion was not merely conceptual but had devastating material consequences, justifying the enslavement, dispossession, and genocide of those deemed to be part of nature. Patel and Moore argue that this dualistic worldview has been central to the creation and maintenance of global hierarchies of power and inequality.

Despite its historical specificity, the nature-society divide has become so deeply ingrained in modern thought that it is often taken for granted as a self-evident and timeless truth. Patel and Moore argue that this naturalization of the nature-society binary is itself a testament to the power of the Cartesian revolution in shaping humans’ understanding of the world. They explain that while “the credit (and blame) is shared by many, it makes sense to call this a Cartesian revolution” (54), referring to the French philosopher René Descartes. Patel and Moore contend that Descartes’s second “law of capitalist ecology,” which was inspired by the views of Frances Bacon, had a huge impact on colonizing nations: “European civilization (or ‘we,’ in Descartes’s word) must become ‘the masters and possessors of nature.’ Society and Nature were not just existentially separate; Nature was something to be controlled and dominated by Society” (52). The authors argue that “[t]he Cartesian outlook, in other words, shaped modern logics of power as well as thought” (52). They also point out that, today, “[w]e take for granted that some parts of the world are social and others are natural” (47). However, “In the English language, the words nature and society assumed their familiar meanings only after 1550,” during “a decisive period in England’s capitalist and colonial history” (46). From the natural sciences to economics to popular culture, the idea that nature and society are separate and opposing realms has become a basic premise of everyday life. However, by excavating the historical origins and material consequences of this dualism, Patel and Moore argue that the social and political construction of this binary becomes apparent. They believe that challenging the binary opens up space for imagining alternative ways of understanding and inhabiting the world.

How Capitalism Affects the Web of Life

Patel and Moore assert that capitalism is not merely an economic system but an ecological one that fundamentally reshapes humanity’s relationship with the rest of the natural world. In their view, capitalism operates through a series of strategies that “cheapen” the web of life, allowing for the appropriation and exploitation of human and extra-human nature in service of profit and accumulation.

Patel and Moore use the term “web of life” to refer to the complex, dynamic, and interconnected network of relationships that encompasses all living beings, including humans, and the environments they inhabit. The authors draw on the concept of oikeios, which they define as “the creative and multilayered pulse of life-making through which all human activity flows, shaped at every turn by natures that consistently elude human efforts to control” (19).

This understanding of the web of life emphasizes the co-production and mutual constitution of human and extra-human natures, challenging the Cartesian dualism that separates nature from society. For Patel and Moore, the web of life is not a static background, “a rubbish bin” (23), or a resource pool for human exploitation but a vibrant and ever-changing set of relations that shape and are shaped by human activities, including the historical development of capitalism. By situating human history within the larger context of the web of life, the authors aim to highlight the ecological dimensions of social and economic processes, underscoring the fundamental interdependence of all life-forms.

One of the key ways that capitalism affects the web of life is through the imposition of The Conceptual Divide Between Nature and Society. The authors argue that this conceptual binary serves not just to describe the world but to dominate and cheapen it, casting most non-male, non-white humans as part of nature and thus subject to exploitation. Crucially, Patel and Moore stress that this divide and the ecological transformations it enables cannot be understood in isolation from the social and political dynamics of capitalism. They emphasize that “[r]eal abstractions both describe the world and make it,” and although they are often “invisible,” real abstractions such as the nature-society divide “aren’t innocent: they reflect the interests of the powerful and license them to organize the world” (47).

Patel and Moore contend that the cheapening of nature goes hand in hand with the cheapening of human life and labor, particularly that of marginalized groups. They argue that capitalism’s abstract value system, which reduces the world to a collection of interchangeable and quantifiable parts, is thus fundamentally at odds with the complex, interdependent, and ever-changing web of life.

Capitalism’s Dependence on Frontiers

Patel and Moore argue that capitalism depends on the continual creation and exploitation of new frontiers. These frontiers—both geographical and conceptual— provide the cheap natural elements, labor, energy, and materials that fuel capitalist accumulation. Patel and Moore define frontiers as spaces where capitalism “siphon[s] life from elsewhere” to fix its own problems, allowing capitalists to reorganize socio-ecological relations on a world scale and creating a site “where power is exercised—and not just economic power” (18-19). However, the authors contend that this frontier-based model is ultimately unsustainable, leading to recurrent crises and ecological devastation.

The authors use the example of Madeira, a small Portuguese colony first colonized in the 15th century, to illustrate how the island served as a frontier for the early sugar industry, enabling the development of new techniques of production, labor management, and financial speculation that would later be applied in the Caribbean and Brazil. By emphasizing the role of frontiers in capitalism’s history, Patel and Moore challenge the notion that capitalism is a purely economic system, instead highlighting its dependence on the continual transformation of human and extra-human natures.

The authors further argue that capitalism’s frontier-based model is enabled by the interlinked processes of war, debt, and empire. They contend that the expansion of European empires in the early modern period was driven by a combination of mounting war debts and the promise of new sources of wealth through colonial conquest. For example, Christopher Columbus’s voyages were financed by Genoese bankers, who saw the conquest of the Americas as a way to profit from the crisis of European feudalism. The resulting influx of gold and silver from the Americas allowed European states to pay off their war debts while also fueling a new round of colonial expansion and capitalist accumulation. Patel and Moore thus argue that capitalism has always depended on “conquest and plunder as a way of life” (47), with the frontier serving as a site of both violent appropriation and short-term, crisis-driven innovation.

Patel and Moore argue that this frontier-based model of capitalism is ultimately unsustainable. They point out that frontiers are inherently limited, both geographically and ecologically. As capitalism expands, it exhausts the cheap natures and labors that it depends on, leading to recurrent crises of overaccumulation and ecological degradation. The authors argue that this pattern of boom and bust, expansion and exhaustion, is a central feature of capitalism’s history, from the sugar plantations of the Caribbean to the oil fields of the Middle East. Moreover, Patel and Moore point out that today’s capitalists are finally being squeezed by the limits of Earth’s finite frontiers: “Previous great financial expansions could all count on imperialism to extend profit-making opportunities into significant new frontiers of cheap nature,” but nowadays, “those frontiers are smaller than ever before, and the volume of capital looking for new investment is greater than ever before” (87). This has led to “radical wealth inequality” and a deleterious cycle: “War and violence drip from every pore of this coupling, but this time there’s no meaningful promise of creative destruction—only destruction” (87-88). They suggest that confronting the crises of the present will require not only a reckoning with capitalism’s history of exploitation and appropriation but also a fundamental reimagining of humanity’s relationships with the web of life.

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