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Equality
In Chapter 8, Nozick argues that many people assume that adjusting social institutions to produce greater equality of material conditions is just. However, he contends, this belief does not have sufficient justification. He further advances his own entitlement conception of justice as related to individuals’ right to possessions. The entitlement conception does not assume that equality is essential or inherent in society. Instead, his conception evaluates distributions historically, based on how they arise. Thus, Nozick emphasizes the legitimacy of processes over outcomes.
Equality of Opportunity
In this section, Nozick addresses the concept of equality of opportunity, which is often considered a minimal goal for equality. He identifies two methods to achieve this: worsening the situation of those more favored or improving the situation of the less favored, which involves reallocating resources. Therefore, the latter, Nozick argues, still implies worsening the situation for those more privileged. Nozick contends that forcibly seizing holdings, even for leveling opportunities, violates individual privileges and rights. Nozick believes that opportunities are the result of individual choices and exchanges.
Self-Esteem and Envy
In this section, Nozick explores the concept of envy in the context of egalitarianism. He defines envy as an individual not wanting to have something that one cannot have for oneself. Nozick differentiates envy from jealousy, spite, and competitiveness and argues that envy informs some egalitarian desires. Ultimately, he believes that altering a system to reduce envy by distributing privileges equally could possibly intensify the emotion. He also thinks that it is unfair for a society to restrict individuals’ actions and abilities just to alleviate some people’s discomforts.
Meaningful Work
In his exploration of self-esteem in work environments, Nozick challenges the generalization that being frequently ordered about in a subordinate position negatively affects self-esteem. He uses examples of symphony orchestra members, conscripts in armies, socialist coordinators in factories, and professionals in an ascending process within a company to show that self-esteem does not suffer due to being in a subordinate position to authority.
In addition, Nozick suggests that low self-esteem among subordinates may stem from their initial disposition toward authority. He proposes that an entitlement theory might help alleviate some of these self-esteem issues, as it does not attribute authority to personal superiority but, instead, acknowledges that benefits may have been transferred or obtained through a social process.
He also addresses the notion of meaningful and satisfying work, defining it through criteria like exercising talents, engaging in valued activities, understanding one’s role in a larger picture, and having some decision-making autonomy. He acknowledges the intrinsic desirability of such work and its impact on individuals beyond their professional lives. Nozick considers that normative expectations in society may lead to drawing the wrong conclusions about the causes of negative life aspects.
Addressing how capitalism might respond to desires for meaningful work, Nozick outlines three potential responses: workers accepting lower wages for more personally rewarding work, consumers choosing to pay more for products from companies offering meaningful work, or governmental intervention to incentivize meaningful work. However, he thinks that the last option might unfairly impose certain values on individuals.
Workers’ Control
Nozick notes that in a capitalist system, companies could provide meaningful jobs and democratic authority structures to a degree. However, this is unlikely to happen in a democratic system. Instead, Nozick proposes that cooperative companies run by “any wealthy radical or group of workers” are a viable option for implementing democratic management and providing meaningful work (250). However, he notes that issues like lack of investment, profit distribution, and decisions about new hirings may arise in such companies. If worker-controlled factories are less market efficient, they might pay lower wages or charge higher prices, relying on consumer support to maintain a socially just work environment. The success of such companies depends on the willingness of workers and consumers to prioritize nonmonetary benefits. Nozick also brings up the position of unions and asks why more unions do not start businesses.
Marxian Exploitation
Nozick notes that the Marxist theory of value relies excessively on labor time, which is determined by market outcomes. This theory argues that workers are exploited due to their lack of access to the means of production, which results in the workers being forced to sell their labor to capitalists. According to Marxist theory, in a society with a public sector offering work, exploitation would be absent, as workers would not be forced to work for capitalists.
Nozick argues that the reality of the market is more complicated than Marxist theory describes. He argues that the Marxist theory of value does not address the value of production but only the end amount and result. Thus, Nozick thinks that the Marxist theory of value struggles with accounting for risks associated with production, as profits in capitalist systems can arise from factors like innovation, market uncertainty, and entrepreneurial alertness rather than just the labor invested.
Voluntary Exchange
Nozick argues that actions are voluntary if limited by nature but not if they are restricted by others without the right to do so. He argues that when scarcity is natural, choices are limited but not imposed. On the labor market, according to Nozick, a worker’s choice to accept a job, even if it is the only option to avoid starvation, is voluntary if others have acted within their rights.
Philanthropy
Nozick explores the idea of voluntary support for beneficial causes in society, such as worker-controlled factories or poverty reduction, without compulsory redistribution. He suggests that individual contributions to such causes are less effective or costlier without mandatory participation. The effectiveness of voluntary contributions could diminish if everyone does not contribute, especially if tackling a problem requires collective action. The cost might feel higher if individuals perceive themselves as “suckers” for contributing while others are “getting away” with not participating. Nozick suggests that if most individuals were willing to contribute, there would be less of an issue with comparison between those who contribute and those who are “free riders.” However, he believes that compelling those unwilling to contribute violates moral constraints, indicating the need to respect individual choices and focus on persuading rather than forcing participation.
Having a Say Over What Affects You
Nozick argues that personal decisions can significantly affect others; however, this does not mean that they violate anyone’s rights. He argues that having a right to decide does not force one to consider other people’s preferences. He gives marriage proposals, retirement choices, and the use of one’s property as examples. In addition, Nozick criticizes the idea that long-term use or enjoyment of something grants ownership rights, pointing to rent-control laws, which he considers unfair.
The Nonneutral State
Nozick argues that while economic inequalities often lead to political power imbalances, strengthening the state to ensure economic equality is not effective. He suggests that a minimal state, focused on enforcing basic rights like contract and property law, remains neutral and is less prone to corruption. Enforcing basic rights protects individual rights and minimizes the state’s overreach.
How Redistribution Operates
Nozick observes that government programs often benefit the middle class more than the poor. Therefore, he asks why poor people do not massively vote for redistribution. He suggests that between the rich 49% and the poor 49%, there is a middle 2%, and they are always swayed by the rich portion.
In the chapter titled “Demoktesis,” Nozick further justifies the minimal state, addressing anarchist objections and rejecting arguments for a more powerful state as inadequate. The term demoktesis means “ownership of the people, by the people, and for the people” (290). In this chapter, Nozick proposes a thought experiment according to which everyone owns an equal part of everyone else’s rights, and so everyone has to abide by everyone else’s decisions. Nozick considers this a form of slavery and argues that most modern states work according to this scheme.
Consistency and Parallel Examples
In the first section of the chapter, Nozick argues that parallel examples pose challenges in argumentation. Deductive reasoning, he claims, can be more effective but still faces issues. Nozick reflects on the process of persuading someone to shift their moral judgment, which is what he tries to do in his book. Nozick warns the readers to not be swayed by parallel examples when reading the rest of his chapter. He then proceeds with his argument for the derivation of a more-than-minimal state from the minimal one.
The More-Than-Minimal State Derived
In this section, Nozick opens the discussion with the concept of property rights. He imagines a scenario where individuals, seeking greater economic gains, decide to form a corporation and start selling shares of specific rights they hold over themselves. Such shares are called “Great Corporation Shares.” This leads to a complex ownership system where people hold stocks in various rights of others. Soon after, the situation becomes complicated; people sell all kinds of rights, such as those related to leisure and personal choices, which leads to a chaotic situation.
The system evolves into a more established scheme, where policies that affect everyone are decided at shareholder meetings. Gradually, almost everyone sells off their rights, resulting in a situation in which each person holds a fraction of a share in every other individual’s life, including themselves. This mass dispersal of shares and rights results in a rationalized decision-making process, where one grand meeting is held to decide on policies for everyone.
This scheme culminates in a society where each person has an equal say in the decisions affecting all others, a situation Nozick calls demoktesis—a form of democracy where ownership and decision-making are collective and apply to all. This model, Nozick suggests, while eliminating personal domination, also largely eliminates individual autonomy and freedom. The section ends with the “Tale of the Slave”—another imaginary situation in which, through nine steps, he illustrates the situation of an enslaved person who is at the whims of their enslaver but is nevertheless able to vote, though their decision does not matter and they cannot have a say over their life and rights. According to Nozick, both the demoktesis scenario and the “Tale of the Slave” illustrate the situation in current democracies.
Hypothetical Histories
Another possibility that Nozick considers is the formation of a more-than-minimal state through boycotts by those favoring it. Such proponents of a more extensive state would refuse the inclusion of non-participants, pressuring everyone to participate. However, he argues that maintaining such a boycott in a diverse society is unlikely, as opposing individuals could create independent enclaves and offer incentives to break the boycott.
In Chapters 8 and 9 of Anarchy, State, and Utopia, Nozick explores issues of rights, equality, and the formation of modern democracies.
Chapter 8 challenges the presupposition that equality is a necessary component of justice, particularly in the distribution of resources and opportunities. Nozick insists that justice should be evaluated based on the legitimacy of the processes that lead to a particular distribution rather than the equality of the outcome itself. Nozick maintains his resistance to end-result models, departing from traditional egalitarian views that emphasize distribution. His critique of the entitlement conception of justice is central in these chapters. He argues that a just distribution is not about achieving equality but rather about respecting the processes through which goods and opportunities are acquired and transferred. Therefore, Nozick emphasizes that altering social structures for greater material equality often lacks justification and overlooks the claims and choices of individuals who contribute to these structures. The ideas in these chapters frequently presume a lack of structural inequality and dismiss the idea that the choices presented to disadvantaged individuals could be inherently coercive; for Nozick, a choice is ultimately voluntary.
The concepts of self-esteem and envy play an important role in Nozick’s view of the minimal state. Nozick thinks that many of the contemporary egalitarian beliefs that people have are informed by these emotions rather than by rational considerations. He suggests that envy is equivalent to resenting others’ advantages in life. Instead of arguing for appeasing such emotions through egalitarian schemes, Nozick points out the futility of such endeavors, as eliminating differences in one dimension could lead to envy in another. This discussion highlights the emotional undercurrents that can influence economic and social policies, suggesting that attempts to legislate away such complex human emotions might be both misguided and ineffective.
The discussion of emotions driving egalitarian considerations ties into two other topics: the meaningfulness of work and self-esteem. Against many socialist thinkers, Nozick argues that high self-esteem can be maintained in subordinate positions and that subordinate work can still be meaningful. Nozick’s exploration uses one broad point and many subsequent questions and examples. However, he does not draw final conclusions, leaving the topic open to interpretation. Thus, Nozick does not argue in favor of a capitalist, competitive market or against the interference of such actors as governments and unions on the market. Rather, he asks why unions or workers’ associations (who use socialist rhetoric) do not take over the means of production if they think the workers are being exploited. He posits that such firms could exist and compete in the market, provided they overcome challenges like underinvestment and profit distribution. Nozick, however, also suggests that such unions or associations could not compete in the market because he believes they do not have the skills to do so.
Nozick’s demoktesis story is both an exploration of an extended state (which Nozick disagrees with) and a critique of current society. Nozick’s narrative is a metaphorical representation of the evolution of modern democratic states, where the interplay of individual rights, collective ownership, and decision-making is often contentious and limiting (or even enslaving, as he suggests at the end of the section “The More-Than-Minimal State Derived”). Nozick believes that a majority can abuse individual rights in the same way (if not more) than a de facto monarch or enslaver can. He questions whether living in a democracy means that individuals are free to exercise their rights, implying that it ultimately does not.
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