89 pages 2 hours read

Caste: The Origins of Our Discontents

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2020

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Part 2, Chapters 4-6Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Part 2: “The Arbitrary Construction of Human Divisions”

Part 2, Chapter 4 Summary: “A Long-Running Play and the Emergence of Caste in America”

Wilkerson describes a play that has been “running for centuries” in which being cast in a role is only part of a deeper project, as people “merge the assignment with their inner selves and how they are seen in the world” (39). Innovation is not rewarded in this cast: “Veer from the script, and you will face the consequences. Veer from the script, and other cast members will step in to remind you where you went off-script” (40). Wilkerson uses this metaphor to argue that all residents of the United States are “the latest cast in a long-running drama that premiered on this soil in the early seventeenth century” (40).

The first enslaved African people were brought to Virginia in 1619. By 1630, historical records show that these people were already considered inferior to or less significant than White Europeans, as few of them are listed by name or arrival date in the colonial census. Originally, Christianity was the key status marker in the colonies, as neither the indigenous people nor many of the African enslaved people professed this religion. Race became a more pressing category as African enslaved people converted. This maneuver was both ideological and practical, as Africans had “immunity to European diseases” that Natives lacked (42), and the landowners looking to profit from the crops of the South needed a labor force. Enslaved Africans were more familiar with harvesting crops like sugarcane and cotton or were able to quickly master these skills.

Perhaps more importantly, unlike indentured servants of Irish origin, forcibly transported Africans could be easily distinguished from the rest of the population and subordinated on the basis of their appearance. By the end of the 17th century, this became the justification for their status as “hostages subjected to unspeakable tortures that their captors documented without remorse” (42).

Wilkerson notes that most Americans prefer to regard slavery as a “sad, dark chapter” as a means of avoiding a full reckoning with the past (43) but that this view prevents real healing and also distorts the truth. She declares, “for a quarter millennium, slavery was the country” (43). Slavery conferred superior status on all White people, helping those who did not directly benefit from the system to nevertheless support it. It was, unlike modern human trafficking, “legal and sanctioned by the state” (44). The system relied on “the conversion of human beings into currency” (44). Enslaved people could not escape the system and could not have families or the right to their own bodies, including freedom from sexual assault or physical violence. Wilkerson points out that imprisoned people had a shorter workday than enslaved people. Contemporary observers noted that horses were treated more gently.

Scholars point out that making these grim and inhumane realities invisible was an essential part of the system’s functioning. This practice resulted in a kind of dual existence for elites in the system, as “Good and loving mothers and fathers, pillars of their communities, personally inflicted gruesome tortures upon their fellow human beings” (47). Though slavery ended in 1865, the period known as Reconstruction was the actual brief interlude, ending in 1877. This marked the end of federal efforts to help the formerly enslaved and allowed for a new “labyrinth of laws to hold the newly freed people on the bottom rung ever more tightly, while a popular new pseudoscience called eugenics worked to justify the renewed debasement” (48). Thus, ideology and law replaced an economic system to maintain the caste system. Wilkerson catalogues the extent of social control and personal debasement, noting that Black people were denied literacy and reproductive freedom, and that slavery also “made the natural response to kidnap, floggings, and torture—the human impulse to defend oneself or break free—a crime if one were black” (48).

This system soon enmeshed immigrants to the United States, even though they had no hand in constructing it originally. There was a political and social transformation as new arrivals from Europe “went from being Czech or Hungarian or Polish to white, a political designation that only has meaning when set against something not white” (49). Formerly salient national distinctions were erased to create unity within America’s caste system. This process often had violent consequences, as Irish immigrants angry about the Civil War’s draft engaged in a violent “race riot” targeting Black people because they were exempt from military service (50). Violence and antipathy toward the “lowest caste” became an “initiation rite” for immigrants (50).

This system had profound emotional consequences, as enslaved people could not express emotional pain about their reality, including separation from their families, and the dominant caste continually wove narratives of its own superiority and the inhumanity of those whose lives it controlled. All inhabitants of the US inherited these “rules of engagement” (51). By the 1930s, caste was firmly entrenched in the South and throughout the country.

Wilkerson recalls meeting with a Nigerian playwright during her book tour for The Warmth of Other Suns and introducing the woman to the details of American history. In return, the playwright provided her with her own insights as an observer of America, noting that only in coming to the US do Africans “become black.” The United States casts all of us in this play, assigning caste based on appearance.

Part 2, Chapter 5 Summary: “The Container We Have Built For You”

Wilkerson introduces a protagonist with an unusual first name: Miss Hale. To explain why her parents chose this name, Wilkerson explains the social rules of the Jim Crow South: “Black men were never to be addressed as ‘Mister,’ and black women were never to be addressed as ‘Miss’ or ‘Mrs.,’ but rather by their first name or ‘auntie’ or ‘gal,’ regardless of their age or marital status” (54). Harold Hale, Miss Hale’s father, grew up watching his family members disrespected this way and detested it. During the Civil Rights movement, he marched with Dr. King from Selma to Montgomery and watched his fellow protestors face injury and death. When his daughter was born, he decided, “He would give no one in the dominant caste the option but to call her by the title they had denied his foremothers. Miss would be her name” (55).

The adult Miss Hale met with Wilkerson as part of the writing process for Caste and reflected, “I find that white people are fine with me […] as long as I stay in my place” (56). She recalled her childhood in Texas, where White families assumed her father was the gardener rather than a homeowner and attempted to knock down the family mailbox, which her father reinforced with concrete.

Miss, called into the principal to account for her use of walkie-talkies in school, upset the principal when informing him of her first name. He asked where her family was from and where her father worked. The principal told her he knew she was not from the area because she had made eye contact with him, as locals were afraid to. Her father was delighted by the story, and he assured her that White people did not have a monopoly on humanity or dignity. In college, Miss visited a classmate on Long Island and established a warm relationship with the family matriarch, who did not want her to return to campus. When Miss insisted, the elderly lady said, “there was a time […] when I could have made you stay” (58).

In another metaphor, Wilkerson notes that sometimes containers are labeled in such a way as to be “out of sync” with the contents, just as contradicting the expectations the caste system creates problems for individuals. Wilkerson shares a personal anecdote from her time at the New York Times, interviewing business owners in Chicago. She arrives in a boutique and asks to see the owner, who brushes her off because he has an appointment. She insists she is the appointment, but because she is now out of business cards and cannot present one, he refuses to believe her. The interview does not take place, and afterward Wilkerson sends the article to the owner. She refuses to name the business, not out of fear, but because: “The problem could have happened anyplace, because the problem is, in fact, at the root” (61).

Part 2, Chapter 6 Summary: “The Measure of Humanity”

Wilkerson imagines an alternate history of colonization, where the people with advanced weaponry found that those they encountered and subordinated were much taller than they were. Accordingly, they set up a social system against tallness. This would have resulted in a social system where Dutch people and African people were the same category. Wilkerson notes that this seems laughable in its arbitrariness, but, given time and social reinforcement, “people would have accepted it as the received wisdom of the laws of nature” (64).

Race is now acknowledged to be an invented concept, dating back to colonization and codified most rigidly in the English-speaking world. The term Caucasian was invented in the 18th century by a German medical professor who measured skulls to classify human beings. The professor, Johann Friedrich Blumenbach, had a favorite skull from the Caucasus Mountains of Russia: “To him, the skull was the most beautiful of all that he owned. So he gave the group to which he belonged, the Europeans, the same name as the region that had produced it” (65).

Wilkerson declares that race “is a fiction told by modern humans for so long that it has come to be seen as a sacred truth” (66), and there is no genetic difference to support it. Scholars such as anthropologist Ashley Montagu have pointed out that the concept only exists to defend and buttress the dominant position of one group over another. These constructs must be taught, as children only describe people in terms of color until they are taught otherwise.

Turning back to her comparative lens, Wilkerson notes that the term “caste” was applied to India from a Portuguese word that was used to denote race. In India itself, the rankings are known as varnas and predate European racial categories by thousands of years—a reminder that “the human impulse to create hierarchies runs across societies and cultures” (67).

White people tend to treat the word racism as “radioactive” and, instead of assuming the relationship is about bias and the power structures built around it, assume that racism is only “overt and declared hatred” (67-68). Wilkerson finds this view both unproductive and dangerous, as it puts the focus on individuals rather than wider society and looks for personal admissions of guilt, which can lead to behavior that only keeps “the hierarchy intact” (68). Instead, we should “exchange that mindset for one that sees people as existing on a scale based on the toxins they have absorbed from the polluted and inescapable air of social instruction we receive from childhood” (69).

Caste as a concept is another way out of this trap for Wilkerson, as it includes “the granting or withholding of respect, status, honor, attention, privileges, resources, benefit of the doubt, and human kindness to someone on the basis of their perceived rank or standing in the hierarchy” (70). It naturalizes behavior like elevating White teenagers over more qualified adults. Wilkerson calls behavior that seeks to maintain these hierarchies “casteism” and notes that it can be synonymous with racism but does not require the presence of animosity (71).

Wilkerson acknowledges that not every unpleasant or undesirable event can be attributed to these systems of power. Instead, she argues that they must be named and understood, as “its invisibility is what gives it power and longevity” (72). No social problem can truly be explained or understood by wishing it away or ignoring it.

Part 2, Chapters 4-6 Analysis

Wilkerson establishes the invention of race as a uniquely American project, propelled by economic needs and maintained by ideologies of White superiority. She makes clear that there is no such thing as White exemption from slavery or its consequences, as so much of American economic and social life was built around assimilation into racial hierarchies. Accepting these realities and their roles within them was part of how immigrants made themselves into Americans. Race and the caste system are inescapable—there is no avoidance of the moral responsibility to understand its operation. Wilkerson posits that even the caste system’s chief beneficiaries were harmed by it, as they “dehumanized themselves” in insisting that enslaved people were apart from them.

The story of Miss Hale and her family brings home how personal, intimate, and emotional the caste system could be. Miss Hale demonstrates how deeply invested White people are in the systems they maintain. Even ostensibly warm relationships can turn terrifying, as when the old woman reminisces somewhat fondly that she could once have used her power to prevent Miss from exercising personal autonomy over her own life.

Wilkerson then turns to the larger philosophical problem of race as a construct. She does this not to diminish its importance, but to establish its nature. Racial ideas are simply what humans in North America during colonization used to justify their dominance and eventual subjugation of other human beings. White people are taught to resist being called racist because they assume racism can only be about deep personal animosity, rather than about assumptions about power, resources, and who is entitled to occupy particular social positions. In employing “caste” instead, Wilkerson dispenses with this emotional baggage many of her White readers likely carry. She invites them to examine hierarchies of power and the ways race is used to justify and maintain their existence. Our experience of caste is emotional, but its operation depends on both sentiment and established social structures for maintenance. Tacitly, Wilkerson acknowledges that her arguments about race and caste may be hard for some readers to hear, as they will challenge what they know about themselves, their families, and American society. In using caste more than race, she establishes both a comparative lens and a means to invite her audience to entertain hard truths by defamiliarizing what they think they already know.

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