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Content Warning: The source material and this guide contain extensive discussion of mass incarceration, systemic racism, and substance use disorders. They also touch on topics of sexual assault, domestic and child abuse, and hate crimes. This guide obscures the n-word when reproduced in quotes.
In the first few chapters, Bogira quickly alerts the reader to the imbalances in the US justice system. Most of those taken into custody on 26th Street were African American, poor, and, in many instances, dealt with substance use disorders. For those who received a D-bond, their freedom depended on whether they had the money to post the cost of the bond. Many of those taken into custody, such as Walter Williams—someone with one leg, asthma, and a heroin addiction who was on disability—did not have the hundreds of dollars it would cost not to spend the next several nights in jail awaiting their hearings.
Williams and others brought in for drug possession were in the felony lockup, while domestic batterers sat in the misdemeanor lockup alongside those caught shoplifting grocery store items. Bogira highlights that the state of Illinois considered the possession of “a minute amount of cocaine” to be “a graver offense” than beating up a wife (15), girlfriend, or other woman in the household.
In later chapters, Bogira underscores Judge Locallo’s starkly different treatment of those defendants in possession of small amounts of drugs—all African American—compared to his treatment of white, large-scale dealers. The latter were allowed to go free, while the former were forced to languish in jail. The latter always used expensive defense lawyers, while the former were represented by overworked public defenders.
The defense lawyer in the Dino Titone case, Fred Cohn, who had once been a civil rights activist, presents an argument for the value of fairness and mercy in the criminal justice system. As a defense attorney, Cohn identifies himself with Abraham—the Old Testament patriarch who asked God not to destroy Sodom and Gomorrah because the land held righteous people as well as wicked ones. Abraham, according to Cohn, was “the first criminal lawyer” (216). The story of Abraham reinforces the notion that even those who seem past redemption deserve fairness and justice. Cohn exaggerates the legend by claiming that Abraham, like defense lawyers, argued “on behalf of bad people to try to save them” (216). More accurately, Abraham sought to save people who risked being punished as a result of God’s “prejudice.” The ease with which African American residents of poor parts of the West and South Sides of Chicago are punished for small-time drug felonies reflects a similar tendency to condemn swaths of people without understanding their unique circumstances.
In Bogira’s retelling of these courtroom stories, he presents justice as an elusive and nearly inexplicable concept. There is nothing just about violent offenses being treated as lesser offenses than possessing just enough drugs to use. There is also nothing just about defendants who pumped drugs into communities—like the one in which Bates lived—being treated more leniently than defendants who used those drugs to escape dire poverty and hopelessness. Bogira relies a great deal on these juxtapositions to show the reader how imbalanced the scales of American justice are.
After De’Angelo Harris was sentenced in the murder of Bennie Williams, he was bused to “the Illinois River Correctional Center, in the town of Canton, 155 miles southwest of Chicago” (140). Bogira notes that the prison was “the second-leading employer in Canton, a town of fifteen thousand” (140). Canton was 98% white at the time the book was written, but those inside the correctional facility were 64% Black. It would cost taxpayers nearly $400,000 to keep Harris in the facility until 2014. The facts around Harris’s incarceration show how prisons—both state-funded and private ones—provide thousands of jobs and bring in a great deal of revenue for everyone involved in providing the food, furniture, and other accommodations on which incarcerated individuals rely.
Bogira doesn’t only detail the exorbitant costs of housing people convicted of crimes—costs surpassing any revenue spent to send the convicts to school or to put them in decent housing—but also uses Chicago’s criminal justice system as a microcosm to illustrate a nationwide problem: The enormous amounts of public money invested in the carceral system represent a woefully inefficient use of resources. For Bogira, every dollar spent filling prisons is a dollar that could be spent addressing the factors that lead to criminal activity: lack of affordable housing, underfunded schools, systemic disinvestment in predominantly Black neighborhoods, and many more.
The so-called “war on drugs”—largely targeting Black people who used drugs or sold small amounts—made it easy to fill prisons and then to overcrowd them with mostly poor, young Black men from the city’s South and West Sides. Bogira notes that the war on drugs accelerated around the time that poor Black people using drugs began to outnumber wealthier white people. Crack cocaine—popular with Black urbanites because it was less expensive than the powder form of the same drug—was especially vilified in the press and in the law, with far greater criminal penalties for possession of crack cocaine than for possession of identical quantities of powder cocaine. Bogira argues that this harshly punitive approach to the problem of illicit drugs was always more about politics—playing on racist fears of Black criminality—than it was about effectively solving the problem.
This punitive approach fueled an explosion in the nation’s prison population, with Black Americans disproportionately represented among that population. For Bogira, this system is less about rehabilitating or even punishing people who have been convicted of crimes than providing revenue to corporations and rural communities.
In the end, Leroy Orange didn’t need Judge Locallo to approve his request for another hearing to get off death row. Orange’s life was spared when Governor George Ryan enacted a new law in January 2000, declaring a moratorium on executions, due to all the innocent men sent to death row. Bogira suggests that Ryan’s declaration was prompted by an effort to distract the public from “revelations of corruption in the secretary of state’s office he directed before becoming governor” (337). This is just one of many examples Bogira uses to demonstrate how corruption and electoral politics sometimes impacted the criminal defendants entering Judge Locallo’s courtroom.
During the Bridgeport case, accusations of inappropriate influences circled over those involved in the case. Racial politics influenced how both the prosecution and defense attorney Ed Genson selected jurors. The Caruso family’s prominence within unions prompted local Black clergymen to advocate for leniency toward Frank Jr. in efforts to get the Carusos to provide their communities with jobs and other benefits. Judge Locallo, too, came under suspicion. Both the Black and white communities accused him of being politically motivated in the Bridgeport case. Those who sided with Frank Jr. argued that Locallo gave the young defendant an eight-year sentence to improve his retention advantages on Election Day, while those in the Black community wanted a harsher sentence for Caruso—one more commensurate with the fact that he nearly killed Lenard Clark.
The murder trial of Dino Titone offers another example of corruption in the criminal justice system. Titone appealed his death sentence for a mafia-related murder, arguing that he only received this sentence because of a bribery deal that fell through. Titone’s father had allegedly given his lawyer $10,000 to bribe Judge Thomas Maloney in his original trial. Maloney had a known history of soliciting and accepting bribes, and his corrupt conduct eventually led him to serve more than 15 years in prison for accepting bribes in four separate cases.
Bogira illustrates how, despite the public’s general assumption that justice is untainted by the problems and interests of the world outside of the courtroom, this notion is seldom, if ever, true. Both judges and prosecutors are elected officials, and even when they do not engage in criminal conduct like Judge Maloney, Bogira shows how their personal, political interests often outweigh the demands of justice.
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