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This essay begins midsentence on its 40th page, and the first 39 pages have never been found. Capital is the reason that human beings have become alienated from themselves, as they have become capital assets: “[T]he worker produces capital-capital produces him” (121). Capital is alien to the natural aspects of human existence, but because workers are now no different than capital, they become alienated from themselves. Political economy has reduced human beings to the status of a worker, whose only purpose is to keep themselves alive and in suitable condition to work. Wages are a function of what is necessary for the owner to maximize profits. Marx provides the example of English factory owners who saw that workers were receiving public assistance and deducted that exact amount from their wages. Capitalism treats people like commodities and trains them to think of themselves in the same way by dehumanizing them through work. The more miserable the workers, the better off the capitalists.
Marx then turns to private property, considered as both labor and capital. As labor, private property drives workers “into the absolute void” (122) where they essentially cease to function as human beings. As capital, it dissolves all meaningful connections between human beings by measuring value by labor. All forms of economic activity, whether based on land or industry, movable or fixed assets, are being fed into the system of capital, stretching the contradiction between labor and capital to the breaking point.
As industry and urban life have become more powerful in modern society, the industrialist represents themself as modern, efficient, and progressive, helping to nudge society toward a brighter future, depicting their rural opposites as idle, backward overseers wielding arbitrary rule over sullen, ignorant serfs. At the same time, the rural landowner sees themself as the last vestige of a romantic past that is quickly losing ground to rapacious capitalists who have reduced their workers to penury. According to Marx, they are both right, and their mutual accusations confirm that class struggle is ubiquitous. There is one respect in which the industrialist describes themself honestly: They did break the historical ties between worker and land. They transformed the world and shattered old hierarchies in the process, introducing new ideas of culture and civilization that are rapidly spreading throughout the globe, which is itself experiencing an unprecedented degree of interconnection. The transition from agriculture to industry does represent an advance in productivity, but instead of offering a superior quality of life, it comes closer to revealing the true nature of the modern economy. It strips away the romantic myths of agricultural life and reveals the landowner to be a capitalist in training who is limited only because they are working with material that cannot be exploited as thoroughly. The fluidity of capital perfects what the feudal landowner had been trying to do all along and replaces the myth of idyllic country life with a new myth of a relentless drive toward a future in which everyone will be better off, even as it adds every day to the stock of human misery. The essay ends with a sketch of ideas that Marx already covered regarding the opposition of labor and capital and the contradictory nature of capitalism.
This essay sheds light on another aspect of Marxist theory: capitalism’s tendency to cannibalize itself. This topic is important because once Marx stipulated that revolution was inevitable, his followers had to wrestle with the question of how they would know when the time had come. The depredations of capitalism and the utopian vision of a communist society gave great urgency to the task. The crux of the dilemma was that the desperate state of the working class rendered them extremely difficult to mobilize into a political movement. They had to work just to survive, and urban life corrupted their morals. But the longer they waited, the further they would sink into poverty and vice. The answer was that the task of revolution did not fall entirely on the workers because capitalism bore the seeds of its destruction. In previous essays, Marx mentioned intra-capitalist conflict, whereby large industries and financial interests swallow up smaller ones and drive minor capitalists into the ranks of the workers, but all of those examples end with the capitalist elites being stronger than ever. With the rivalry between the landowner and the industrialist, who each rule their fiefdom absolutely, Marx shows how the conflict among capitalists continues even as its numbers shrink and the power of its members grows, for the simple reason that they cannot stop acting like capitalists and pursuing monopolies. The logical result of this contest is mutual attrition. The workers will still have to rise up sooner or later, but they can gauge the rightness of the moment as the fight within big capital becomes more intense, and their devotion of resources to destroying one another leaves them vulnerable from below.
The theory of intra-capitalist conflict would play a major role in the politics of the Soviet Union. The Bolsheviks seized power in Russia amidst the chaos of World War I, which Lenin described as the inevitable result of capitalist countries jockeying for control of foreign markets. However, Russia barely had a working class at the time of the revolution, and Lenin justified the seizure of power as the work of a “vanguard” who represented the interests of workers while not workers themselves. Even as empires fell across Europe, none of the industrialized states succumbed to revolution, and the USSR was left as the lone communist state surrounded by hostile capitalists. It became an article of faith that just as the previous war spawned the first communist state, the next war, which was inevitable since capitalists never learned from their mistakes or changed their behavior, would prompt its global ascent. Stalin accordingly refused to ally with Western European powers against the rising threat of Nazi Germany, regarding their rivalry as the next chapter of intra-capitalist fighting from which the Soviet Union would remain aloof and then reap the benefits. Hitler’s 1941 invasion of the Soviet Union spoiled that plan, but the end of the war did leave the USSR dominant over half of Europe. Expecting yet another world war, the Soviet Union instead confronted a US-led alliance, while the USSR collapsed on account of the contradictions between its promises of a better life and its deteriorating social conditions.
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By Karl Marx