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The US Civil War (April 12, 1861, to May 26, 1865) erupted due to differences between slave states and free states over the power of the federal government to restrict slavery in new states entering the union. Tensions had been growing for decades and were fueled by the failure of two legislative decisions, the Missouri Compromise of 1820 and the Compromise of 1850.
The Missouri Compromise attempted to balance the interests of free states and slave states in the expansion of US territory. According to the act, signed into law by President James Monroe, Missouri would be admitted as a slave state, while Maine was admitted as a free state. The act contained language that kept the remaining territory of the Louisiana Purchase (“on the parallel of thirty-six degrees of north latitude,” according to Paragraph 2 of the Missouri Compromise) from becoming “slave-holding” states. However, the Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854 repealed the Missouri Compromise and strengthened pro-slavery initiatives. This, in turn, angered many anti-slavery and/or abolition advocates. Note that anti-slavery and abolition are not interchangeable: Anti-slavery in this context means not expanding slavery, and abolition means the eradication of slavery.
The Compromise of 1850 was, again, intended to mitigate tensions between pro and anti-slavery/abolition sentiments. Pro-slavery states in the South were provided opportunities to expand slavery westward, specifically to areas gained after the Mexican American War. This compromise also strengthened the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850. It did so by penalizing people within free states who neglected to arrest and return fugitives from slavery. On the other side of the equation, the Compromise of 1850 guaranteed California would be a free state, and it banned the slave trade in Washington, DC. If that seems unbalanced, remember that California contained a lot more people than the other territories claimed from Mexico that became US states.
Lincoln ran for president in 1860 on an anti-slavery platform that made the Southern slave states nervous. Although Lincoln declared in his inaugural speech of March 4, 1861, that he had no intention of interfering in the slave states or abolishing slavery, a group of 11 Southern states soon seceded from the US to form the Confederate States of America. They seceded from the Union because they feared Lincoln would abolish slavery, which was a major economic benefit to the Southern states, and they felt that Northern states were not enforcing the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850.
Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation on January 1, 1863, 100 days after issuing a document called the Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation. The preliminary proclamation, in turn, was enabled—and some historians believe compelled—by the passage of the Second Confiscation Act in July 1862. There was an imperative to rethink laws about enslaved people and formerly enslaved people in the context of the war, and these acts and proclamations were steps in the progressive response of the government to that situation. Each one was more detailed than the one before, and/or moved closer to emancipation.
By many accounts, this chain of legal acts and decrees was set in motion by what some have called the “self-emancipation” of three enslaved people who escaped the Confederacy just weeks after the Civil War began and fled to Union territory, at great personal risk.
In May 1861, they took themselves in a rowboat across the James River and presented themselves to Union officials at Fort Monroe, a Union holdout. Their names were Frank Baker, Shepard Mallory, and James Townsend. The man in charge at Fort Monroe was Major General Franklin Butler who, until four weeks prior, knew nothing about the military. He was a lawyer, and he had joined the ranks of the Union Army as an officer just after the war began. Butler knew well that the applicable law, in normal times, was the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850. This act compelled the return of escaped enslaved people to their enslavers. Butler also knew that these were not normal times. When Colonel Mallory of Virginia requested Butler to return the fugitives from slavery to him, Butler, thinking on his feet, decided that the laws of war, an aspect of international law, applied. He told Colonel Mallory that he was not returning them; that they were what the laws of war called “contraband of war,” and he didn’t have to return them. After all, he said, it was the Confederate States who decided they were a different country.
Butler quickly wrote to Washington to explain the situation and his response to it. Over the next few weeks, dozens more enslaved people made their way across the river to Fort Monroe and to their freedom. Their actions and Butler’s considered response set in motion a chain of events and legal acts that included the Confiscation Acts of 1861 and 1862 and culminated in the Emancipation Proclamation.
The first Confiscation Act defined the right of the United States to seize contraband. The Second Confiscation Act made more plain and explicit that enslaved people from Confederate states who either escaped or came under the dominion of Union forces “shall be deemed captives of war”—in other words, not contraband or chattel—and the act specifically declared that they “shall be forever free of their servitude.” The Second Confiscation Act was strongly worded because it was becoming increasingly clear that emancipation was on the table, both as a moral necessity and a military one. The act was passed on July 17, 1862. Only days later, on July 22, Lincoln presented a draft of an emancipation proclamation to his cabinet.
As already stated, the acts drew on the laws of war, just as the Emancipation Proclamation cited Lincoln’s war powers. The United States government was increasingly relying on the laws of war, and continued to do so. In 1861, captured soldiers were already being called prisoners of war and treated as such. Lincoln’s invocation of war powers is significant because prior to the war, it was widely understood that there was no constitutional path for a president to end slavery. This was Lincoln’s considered view as a lawyer, but also as a presidential candidate who hated slavery and who had run on an anti-slavery platform. However, as far back as John Quincey Adams, it was thought that slavery in the United States could ultimately be ended be through the laws of war. Adams stated that laws of war allowed commanders to emancipate the enslaved people of an invaded country. Although at the outset, Lincoln wanted above all to preserve the union, he too knew the score: Once the war was underway, the power of the laws of war to work toward abolition was great.
Historian Burrus Carnahan names two rights granted to the United States under the laws of war that Lincoln relied on when writing the Emancipation Proclamation: “the right to seize and destroy enemy property for reasons of military necessity” and “the right to seek allies through promising liberty to an oppressed people” (Carnahan, Burrus. Act of Justice: Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation and the Law of War. University Press of Kentucky, p. 117). Accordingly, the final form of the Emancipation Proclamation both emancipates the enslaved people and welcomes them into service in the United States Army, and does so by invoking “military necessity” and Lincoln’s powers as Commander-in-Chief “in time of actual armed rebellion against the authority and government of the United States” (Carnahan, p. 170).
The Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation was drafted on July 22, 1862, and issued formally on September 22. It announced the forthcoming Emancipation Proclamation, and it offered the Confederacy a way out if it ceased rebellion and rejoined the Union. It announced that all enslaved people in any state that remained in rebellion come January “shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free,” which became the content of the Emancipation Proclamation that came in January. The preliminary announcement, however, included two other ideas that are dropped in the document issued on January 1. It said that the United States will offer to fund abolition through “pecuniary aid” if the slave states adopt abolition, whether they do it immediately or opt to phase out slavery gradually. It also said that the president would at some point in the future recommend financial compensation to individual enslavers to cover losses incurred from emancipation.
The second idea in the preliminary proclamation that doesn’t appear in the final one is colonization. The president offered to “colonize persons of African descent, with their consent, upon this continent or elsewhere, with the previously obtained consent of the governments existing there.” In other words, if African Americans wanted to return to Africa—or go to some other part of the world, like the Caribbean, Central, or South America—then the US government would fund this, too. In short, the preliminary document proposed a plan for gradual emancipation that would compensate enslavers, and it opened the possibility for subsidized colonization, should formerly enslaved people want it.
Lincoln didn’t issue the preliminary proclamation right away after he drafted it in July 1862. Since it was meant as a proposal of sorts—or a warning—to the Confederacy, his Secretary of War Edwin Stanton proposed that they should wait until they had demonstrated strength on the battlefield. Otherwise, he thought, the proclamation would look silly. On September 17, 1862, the Union scored a victory at the Battle of Antietam seen as a turning point in the war, and the president decided to issue the preliminary proclamation shortly after that, on September 22. It gave the Confederate States 100 days to rejoin the Union—until January 1, 1863.
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