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There has always been a symbiotic relationship between the Firm and the media, especially the print tabloids, with each needing the other for survival. Queen Elizabeth II was the first to fully embrace the modern media, allowing her coronation ceremony to be broadcast for the first time. This established royal pageantry and the lives of the royals as a form of entertainment. The monarchy has always been intertwined with the military and religion. However, with the reduction of the former’s strength and the loss of interest in the latter over time, the monarchy has increasingly needed the third arm of the media to keep it relevant and connected.
The relationship between the Firm and the press exists in three silos, the first of which is the royal rota. Similar to the White House press corps, members from a group of journalists from different press houses take turns to cover and report back to the pack on events that don’t have open coverage. Only British national print media are part of the rota, with no representation from Commonwealth nations, digital media houses, or reporters from any other countries. Thus, a spot on the rota is highly coveted.
The royal rota has been controlled by the royal editor of the Daily Mail, Rebecca English, for years, which has caused unhappiness even within the rota—especially as she rigs the rota so that her team gets the best engagements. For some years, Scobie enjoyed honorary access to the rota’s notes and information, as he was a correspondent for an American publication that catered to a different audience not in competition with the British tabloids. However, his access was revoked, alongside that of another American journalist, once Scobie got more involved with reporting on the Sussexes. Any attempt to open up a spot on the rota for those outside of the British national print media has been continually blocked. Harry complained about the rota in Spare, asserting that its existence is proof of the “invisible contract” between the press and the Firm: The latter offers conditional access in exchange for limited scrutiny and privacy behind the palace gates.
The second silo is that of exclusives, leaks from anonymous sources, and on- and off-the-record briefings. For journalists to gather information in this manner, they have to form networks and relationships with people surrounding the royals. This is not necessarily a bad thing, but the House of Windsor is unique in one way: Each of the houses within it—Buckingham Palace for the monarch (and some other royals), Clarence House for Charles and Camilla, and Kensington Palace for William and Kate—all operate differently, and sometimes in competition with each other.
The rivalry stems from the fact that each of the royals is fighting for the same amount of space in the press. As a result, the paid staff in each respective household is only loyal to their primaries, and there are instances of courtiers leaking stories about other royals and using this as currency to squash something unfavorable about their principals. Harry and Meghan, in particular, were targeted this way because of jealousy over their popularity, and also because people disliked Meghan for both understandable and irrational reasons. Sometimes false information is planted as well; inaccurate and exaggerated stories about Harry’s drug use and Charles’s intervention were given to the press in the past to paint Charles as a loving and concerned father.
The third silo involves tactics bordering on, and even crossing over to, the unethical side. When rumors surrounding Rose Hanbury and William first emerged, the Kensington Palace press secretary, Christian Jones, was desperate to stop the grapevine. There was a coincidental string of revealing stories about the Sussexes that emerged in the media just as reporting about the Rose Hanbury story came to a standstill. Sources have later confirmed that the leaks came from within the royal family itself.
Harry suspected this and even brought it up to William, but nothing was ever done about it. When he wrote to Buckingham Palace to escalate the issue, it was strongly suggested that he stand down from taking legal action against the aide or face consequences. Not long after, Alderton and Young both communicated to the Sussexes that they would be officially and immediately cut off from all financial support as part of their exit, including private security.
Meghan faced similar discouragement when she sued Associated Newspapers and the Daily Mail on Sunday for copyright infringement because the latter printed a copy of her private correspondence with her father. The Palace was furious, as they had spent years cultivating a positive relationship with the Daily Mail through Camilla, and did all they could to surreptitiously support the newspaper. Anonymous royal sources claimed that Meghan did not hold copyright over the letter because Jason Knauf, William and Kate’s head of communications, worked on drafts alongside Meghan. Knauf even testified to the same. Meghan won both the original case and the appeal in 2021; despite this, the newspaper managed to emerge relatively unscathed. Additionally, in July 2022, Charles hired the paper’s ex-editor, Robyn Andreae, as his communications secretary.
Kensington Palace and Buckingham Palace have consistently denied any kind of “invisible contract” between the Firm and the media, despite the evidence present to the contrary. Regardless, the Palace and the media’s relationship has been evolving, with people less inclined to consume print media. There have been subsequent efforts to equally strengthen Palace relationships with broadcast media houses, including iTV and BBC, as with the tabloids. However, with the ubiquity of social media platforms and multiple other outlets where the royals can tell their stories on their own dime, Scobie opines that the Palace should realize they don’t need to play “the dirty game” (339) anymore.
The Festival of Britain in 1951 was dreamed up by political Herbert Morrison as an effort to display and celebrate the country’s achievements beyond the war. Two great changes that permanently altered British life necessitated such an effort: the end of World War II, and the conclusion of the British Empire. The Festival of Britain coincided with the centenary of Prince Albert and Queen Victoria’s Great Exhibition to celebrate innovation and technology around the world, and establish Great Britain’s role as an industrial leader. King George VI even referenced this exhibition in his speech declaring the festival open, and it went on to be a huge success.
A similar train of thought, utilizing majesty and grandeur to elevate national mood, was employed just a few years later when the defunct Empire was reborn as a set of Commonwealth countries with Queen Elizabeth II as its head. The bloody history of colonialism was repackaged as a brotherly bond between the nations, and establishing the Queen as their head was an attempt to safeguard her position as a leader using soft power. Even though it was apparent that each of these countries would go on to establish their independence away from the British monarchy, Britain maintained its illusion as the head of these countries through a “cultivated anachronism” of fanfare and ceremonial traditions.
At the time of the book’s publication, the Commonwealth of Countries is a collection of 56 independent nations with associations with Britain. They include the Commonwealth realms, which are 14 sovereign states whose official head of state is the British monarch. However, a number of these countries have begun to loosen their ties to Britain. Barbados removed the Queen as their head of state months after her death; Jamaica has a referendum planned for 2024 in which they will vote on becoming a republic; and Australia, which has the strongest ties to the British monarchy, has seen the republican movement pick up steam.
Republican sentiment has also been on the rise closer to home. The movement is growing in Scotland and is rooted in a desire to rejoin the European Union. Brexit, which saw the UK leave the EU, has isolated the country and contributed to its increasing economic decline. Thus, the royal family faces “a shrinking Commonwealth, a retreating world presence, and a weakening economy at home” (350). Charles’s priority is to keep the ship steady, and his vision to do so involves a slimmed-down monarchy that is more cost-effective to the public. One step in this direction includes opening up royal residences like Buckingham Palace to the public for longer periods of the year, as tourist attractions. The income from this will mean the royal family needs less taxpayer money for its maintenance.
However, there is also a growing republican movement within Britain itself. Although it is not substantial enough yet to pose an immediate threat, statistics show that the younger generation is disproportionately more inclined to do away with the monarchy. Charles himself has a lower approval rating than both his mother and his son. Since Charles’s ascension, the British republican advocacy group, Republic, has amped up its efforts to disestablish the monarchy and presented its model for how: a parliamentary democracy with an elected prime minister and non-political head of state, similar to many other countries across Europe.
At present, the monarchy is still perceived to be a harmless and innocuous institution, largely because of the nostalgia factor. However, following the Queen’s death, Charles’s controversies, Andrew’s many disgraces, and Harry and Meghan’s exit, the monarchy is more vulnerable than ever before. It has also been exposed as far less profitable than popularly believed: An investigative report by The Guardian ahead of Charles’s coronation revealed that the personal wealth amassed by the new king runs into the billion-pound figure. Additionally, the monarch receives close to a billion pounds for its maintenance from the Sovereign Grant, which is partly made up of taxpayer money. This amount remains constant and is even due to increase, irrespective of the economic state of the country.
All this points to why the monarchy is determined to stay on. This form of government relies on perceptions of commitment and duty to obscure the reality of this inherited wealth and present it as payment for services rendered to the country. Thus, as the royal family has done since time immemorial, they continue to “roll out the carriages, unsheathe ceremonial swords, and parade the crown in a worn-thin campaign to keep their palaces and stay in the game” (357).
Scobie contemplates the wooden throne in Westminster Abbey and its significance a few days before Charles’s coronation in May 2023. Westminster Abbey was also where Scobie covered his first royal engagement: William and Kate’s wedding, a time when the royal fairytale was still alive and celebrated. Charles’s coronation, however, comes at a time when the monarchy and its flaws are more evident owing to all that has passed.
The coronation is thus an important event to “recaptivate and restore some of that lost mystique” (360). In his coronation, Charles attempted to mirror his vision for his reign by introducing 21st-century elements: a shorter ceremony, a guest list that featured representatives from the general public, and a new pledge that promised to honor interfaith freedom and harmony.
There were, however, a fair share of problems, beginning with Charles and Camilla having to wait a few minutes for the Wales’ arrival. During the event, the contrast between William in ceremonial garb and his brother seated some rows back in solo attendance was starkly obvious. Harry, who only received confirmation of an invitation to the ceremony in late March, departed for California immediately after the ceremony was complete. In contrast was his uncle, Andrew, who experienced a much warmer welcome and was even allowed to wear his Order of the Garter ceremonial robes. Charles thoroughly ignored the suggestion from Palace officials that Andrew be encouraged to wear civilian clothes.
William and Charles have a long and tough road ahead, their challenges including their country’s economic decline and diminishing global power, their search for new identities, and the growing republican movement and apathy toward the monarchy. Equally challenging is the increasing divide between William and Charles themselves, with the former already choosing to do things differently than his father and eschew tradition.
For the monarchy to survive, it must usher in real change, and if it cannot do so, then its time will sooner or later come to an end. Scobie quotes Samuel Beckett’s Endgame to underscore his point: “Old endgame lost of old, play and lose and have done with losing” (369-70).
In these chapters, Scobie explores the monarchy’s Struggle for Relevance in detail, as he describes the institution’s fading glory. From the Great Exhibition in 1851 to the Festival of Britain a hundred years later, and from the establishment of the Commonwealth to events like weddings and coronations in contemporary times, the royal family has historically used pageantry and ceremony to remain relevant and influential. Starting with Queen Elizabeth II’s coronation, and especially in the years that followed, the media has been a necessary part of the monarchy in broadcasting this pageantry and ceremony to the public. The need to reinforce the monarchy’s import has only increased over time: The weakening economy, increasing sentiment, and decreasing global power all contribute to the growing irrelevance of the Firm. This is reflected in the low approval ratings the royal family currently holds, especially among the younger generation. Thus, image management has become more crucial than ever, and the themes of Power and Image and the Struggle for Relevance meet in the Firm’s relationship with the media.
Scobie demonstrates how this relationship started as a symbiotic one: The royals needed the tabloids to remain present in public consciousness, and the tabloids needed royal stories to sell. True power is seated with those behind the scenes: those courtiers and journalists who hold favor with each other and the royals. This dynamic, however, leads to problematic and unethical occurrences, such as the use of intimidation, obstruction, and interference to control and manage image. The press is discouraged from writing negative stories about certain members of the royal family, Harry is threatened when he brings up his concerns about certain palace aides and the media, and Meghan faces active interference from the Palace itself when she takes a publication to court. At this point, the “invisible contract” with the Firm begins to do more harm than good, to both the Palace’s image and the relationships between members of the family. Thus, Scobie believes that there is an opportunity for the relationship between the media and the Firm to evolve, especially with the advent of social media. Image is still power, but the control doesn’t have to remain vested in the same places anymore.
The final eponymous chapter of the book lays out the conclusion to Scobie’s long thesis about the future of the monarchy. He comes full circle, from opening with the Queen’s death to wrapping up with Charles’s coronation. Using the instance of the coronation and the conversations and discussions that emerged around the event, Scobie reiterates some of the events and circumstances that have weakened the monarchy: the rift between William and Harry; Charles’s questionable judgment, especially when it comes to his brother, Andrew; and the inescapable limitations of Charles’s role as sovereign. Employing a reference from Beckett’s play (and this book’s namesake), Scobie opines that the British monarchy will not survive the changing times if they continue to avoid instituting real change.
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