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The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and Republics in the Great Lakes Region, 1650 - 1815

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 1991

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Chapters 6-8Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 6 Summary: “The Clash of Empires”

The geopolitical stakes in the Ohio Valley became increasingly high for the British and the French by the early 1750s. Both colonial powers believed that the outcome of the struggle on a village level would determine the fate of the imperial struggle on the continent. They sought to control the valley through proxies, which turned the successes of the rebel republics into a critical factor in the conflict. However, the agreements between them and the British lacked coherence and strategy. Instead, they resulted from the use of opportunism to broaden the rebels’ own political and economic interests. By 1750, British leaders such as William Johnson believed the Algonquians in the Ohio were the key to the conflict. The republics’ powers were only increasing while the Iroquois declined—however, both shared concern over the actions of the two rival empires. The uncertainty of shifting alliances contributed to the conflict.

The French decision to take military action in the region proved a strategic mistake, as they overestimated British strength and underestimated the Algonquians. The French doubted Algonquian reliability because of the failure to raise support among the latter. A raid by a marginal tribe near La Demoiselle's village triggered further defections from the alliance, further demonstrating their unreliability to the French. However, the attacks stopped as quickly as they started with an outbreak of smallpox in the area. This led to the fracturing of La Demoiselle's republic, and his final capture and death. Consumption following an attack by the Ottawas and Chippewas marked the rebellion’s collapse. In the aftermath, the French reincorporated the rebels into the alliance and committed to using force to keep themselves in command. While the Algonquians were once again technically allied with the French, they variously fought for both British and French during the Seven Years’ War. They did not confront the latter outright because they viewed them as the superior side in terms of military power. However, if they dealt with the British first, they thought they could damage the French due to their reliance on the Algonquians for support and supplies. Despite initial successes by the French, maintaining the alliance became challenging due to disease, lack of resources, and continued discontent among the Algonquian allies. A French report criticized the administration’s failure to make the Algonquians into subordinates. Ultimately, the report described what would become British policy once Britain took control of the region.

Following the British victory, Johnson initially sought to return to the middle ground policies the French used to enact. However, the negotiations failed to address the alienation of the Ohio villagers. Concerned about the Europeans’ motives, the Ohioan position in the peace talks was the mutual withdrawal of both imperial factions. However, while they wanted the British to leave the region, they also sought to secure trade with them. The British decided to rely on force rather than an alliance to control the pays d’en haut. New France collapsed, and with it went all ability for the Algonquians to negotiate for the British to also leave. Once the British had control, General Jeffery Amherst sought to eliminate the gift exchange system that once dominated regional politics. His policies disregarded the kinship system built into the prior alliances. The region’s indigenous peoples were considered subjects, not allies, and were treated as such: despite the British saying they would protect Algonquian lands, their actions, including occupying forts and demanding the return of prisoners, fueled fears of British intentions to seize territory. Trade issues such as high prices and the prevalence of rum caused further tension. Algonquian leaders struggled to maintain influence as the British undermined them. The British, in turn, expected the chiefs to use control they never possessed. As a result, many Algonquians longed for the return of Onontio and the French. This set the stage for Pontiac's Rebellion in 1763.

Chapter 7 Summary: “Pontiac and the Restoration of the Middle Ground”

Chapter 7 focuses on Pontiac's Rebellion in 1763. Although British reinforcements eventually lifted sieges at some forts, the rebellion did not end decisively. Rather than the typical portrayal of the uprising as a “racially foreordained Indian demise” (303), White argues that it resulted in a return to the middle ground. He also contends that Pontiac was not a tragic figure leading a doomed fight, but a leader responding to the changing political environment. The rebellion's roots trace back to the cession of Canada. The various failings of the British, French, and Algonquians led to the collapse of a united pays d'en haut. Without an outside intermediary, in-fighting between Algonquian villages began, and the British had the opportunity to exert control over the region. Following disease and famine, the Algonquians turned to them for help as they would have with the French but the British failed to act. As a result, the Algonquians began to perceive the British not as family but as enemies and called for revolt. The British, who relied on incomplete and often contradictory accounts, struggled to understand the political dynamics that led to this. The official cession of Canada to the British only exacerbated the problem as both the Algonquians and the remaining French-Canadian traders felt betrayed. This pushed the Algonquians back toward unity, hoping a revolt would expel the British and cause the French to return. Opposing the nostalgia for the French was a Delaware prophet, Neolin, who preached for the Algonquians to cast off all European influences, as the Europeans had brought sin with them. Pontiac was influenced by Neolin’s message but recast it into a specifically anti-British sentiment to unify with those who desired the return of France.

The British, who had wanted an alliance, sensed war was approaching. Amherst ignored the warnings of people like Johnson, who urged the return of the previous middle ground system, and instead decided to cut off supplies altogether. The desperate Algonquians began serious preparations for war. Previous fractures between Indigenous groups diminished, and Pontiac called a council to plan their next moves. Wampum war belts were sent out and triggered a series of attacks on the British by different tribes, and the rebellion spread. The response was brutal on both sides: British soldiers and traders were tortured, while Amherst suggested using smallpox blankets as a trap to spread disease amongst indigenous communities. Ultimately, the rebellion failed to oust the British. Appeals by the Algonquians for French help were met only with calls for peace. Ultimately, Pontiac called for peace negotiations, leaving both sides in a stalemate.

The alliance was restored in the pays d’en haut, which primarily resulted in a return to the status quo. The Algonquians resumed a similar paternalistic relationship with the British as they had done with the French. The language Johnson used in the negotiations, while still claiming sovereignty, used Algonquian diplomatic procedures. The Proclamation of 1763 forbade British settlement beyond the Appalachians, but exceptions weakened commitments to keep the pays d'en haut in Algonquian hands. Johnson also sought to rebuild lines of gifting and trade, and he sought to make new alliance chiefs. However, he still placed too much emphasis on Pontiac’s assumed power. As a result, Pontiac began acting outside of Algonquian cultural norms. This led to him losing the favor of his people and, ultimately, to his death. While the British had attempted to resurrect the French style of mediation, they viewed themselves as rulers not mediators and instead relegated that task to the Algonquian alliance chiefs.

Chapter 8 Summary: “The British Alliance”

Despite Johnson's attempts to recreate the French system, the British government was reluctant to enact it due to its cost. The new alliance also lacked the understanding that existed between the Algonquians and the French. As a result, the middle ground existed only in diplomacy and not in daily interactions between them. Another issue came from expansionist British villages in the backcountry that could not be officially controlled. These settlers refused to comply with the terms of alliance with the Algonquians. The decline of British traders and the absence of influential religious figures also hindered the revival of the middle ground. The failure to create a clear dividing line between Algonquian and European lands, to evict illegal settlers, or control traders contributed to Johnson and the other British officials’ challenges. The Stamp Act furthered the issue, giving control to the colonies, which regulated nothing, and Johnson’s funds were further limited. Algonquian-British diplomatic relations were strained again, and the British struggled to maintain authority.

As the alliance dwindled, a new middle ground emerged in the pays d’en haut that focused on those left out of Johnson’s view of diplomacy. This included “traders, Algonquian women, missionaries, ex-prisoners, some back-country settlers, and eastern Indian refugees” (356). It arose due to trade and the European captives that had lived amongst the Algonquians following the Seven Years’ War and Pontiac’s Rebellion. This new middle ground centered around relationships with women to create kinship networks. It included the Métis, but also the ability to introduce Europeans to Algonquian and Iroquois society through ritual. Women chose who would be adopted, enslaved, or die among white captives. While the Algonquians meant to incorporate those adopted into their society, it was rarely a complete transformation when enacted on adults. Instead, a new middle ground emerged from these people. Following the rebellion’s end, some remained within the communities or nearby. Exchange rituals returned as well. The influence of rum as a trade good had a particular impact. It became linked with the trade of sex when women used the bottles they received in exchange for sex to further their trading power in other transactions. This shift from traditional exchange methods to those focused on profit caused concern among Algonquian communities. Increased common understanding also emerged between Algonquians and Europeans regarding religious beliefs, particularly the importance of interpreting dreams and omens, and witchcraft. While prophets, like Neolin, sought separation from European influence, they also took elements from missionaries’ teachings.

While the new cultural middle ground slowly emerged, the political alliance between the British and Algonquians continued to collapse. Due to their numbers, the European villagers taking over the backcountry became an independent force. The lawlessness of young men among them, similar to that of the Algonquians, could not be controlled, leading to conflict between the two groups. Both societies relied on a mix of agriculture, grazing animals, and hunting, putting them into direct competition over resources. Rum also heightened tensions, and murders increased on both sides. Johnson attempted to control this violence through British law, but this often failed. The amount of killings, robberies, and sexual assaults in the region forced the British to abandon their attempts at legal control and return to earlier conciliatory measures. These attempts at reconciliation with the Algonquians were hindered by the British desire for more territory. The Iroquois also caused further issues by ceding land that was not theirs in the Treaty of Fort Stanwix. Johnson allowed this because he was one of the speculators who stood to gain. Despite increased demand for land in the pays d’en haut, imperial power was in decline. Some of the Algonquians sensed this. The Shawnee attempted to combat the treaty, but Johnson managed to subvert them, and their chiefs lost control. However, the British also lost control over their people: Settlers spread further and clashed with the Algonquian tribes. Escalating violence in Kentucky grew into Lord Dunmore’s War. The following peace terms were not an end to the conflict. Instead, it signaled the beginning of the war between the Algonquian and European villages that now controlled the area.

Chapters 6-8 Analysis

In Chapters 6, 7, and 8, White pivots to the Seven Years’ War, followed by the relationship between the Algonquians and the British, which he centers on Pontiac's Rebellion. Due to the republics’ failure, the pays d’en haut became an imperial battleground, playing into the theme of The Complexities of Colonialism. The French attempted to use force against the Algonquians at this point, which backfired. White presents the Seven Years’ War as evidence for how crucial the alliance with the Algonquians was: While the French had the edge against the British in combat, “French soldiers could not fight without food, without supplies, or without the eyes the Indians provided in the forest” (275). The Algonquians controlled the region’s logistics so, without them, the French would lose to the better-resourced British forces. As White states, “The French had to depend on the Indians to help supply and defend the very garrisons dispatched to intimidate them. The supposed prisoners had become their own jailers (275).

This is key to White’s theme of Indigenous Agency and Resistance. With the Algonquians often fighting their own war against the British, White highlights the amount of agency they still possessed to make their mark on the politics of the pays d’en haut, despite French attempts to counteract this. The lack of gifting once again fractured the alliance, and the British took control of the region. When they did, they, again, thought they could command the Indigenous Americans through force. White illustrates this through Amherst’s view on the situation: “He believed that he had the power to demand ‘good behavior’ of Indians because he was their conqueror” (291). Due to this failure by the British to act in the “correct” ways and their further encroachment into Algonquian territory, resistance festered and resulted in Pontiac's Rebellion.

The rebellion epitomizes a unified response against colonization, reflecting the Algonquians' determination to reclaim agency over their land and destiny. Pontiac’s Rebellion is the second significant resistance movement White portrays in the book, following La Demoiselle’s earlier attempt to challenge European control. Pontiac's leadership builds on this resistance and further strengthens inter-tribal grouping against an outside threat. White summarizes this with:

Pontiac, in his speech to the Detroit Indians urging them to attack, asked them to do only what their neighbors had already decided to do. Clearly, he thought himself part of a revolt that extended far beyond Detroit. (320)

While Pontiac’s Rebellion ended in failure for the Algonquians, the British also failed in a different way. Amherst’s policies represented the failure of himself and the British to handle the situation. White portrays the settlers especially as a destabilizing force, encroaching upon Indigenous territories and complicating the already intricate web of socio-political dynamics. He notes:

Unlike the earlier Frenchmen, these British settlers did not believe that their lives depended on good relations with Indians, nor did they seek a refuge among them (350).

The settlers, driven by expansionist motives and a lack of desire for the give-and-take of the middle ground, became a serious challenge to the Algonquians’ autonomy. White identifies their presence as a new phase in the pays d'en haut, with the dynamics shifting from imperial struggles to more localized confrontations over land, resources, and culture.

The village-level middle ground becomes a significant focus in Chapter 8. It emerges as a microcosm of the broader struggles, serving as a space where the middle ground is renegotiated and redefined in response to evolving challenges. Here, White again chooses to spotlight Indigenous women's influence on the region's micro-scale politics, especially drawing on the theme of Cultural Change and Adaptation. He depicts women as powerful decision-makers, shaping the fate of individuals captured during conflicts. This is because “Women in the Algonquian world reconstituted society; they created new social identities for people born in other foreign worlds” (357). The power to choose which people were chosen for adoption was an influential form of strategic negotiation for indigenous women, and their decisions shaped the evolution of the middle ground. In addition, White highlights how Algonquian women wielded influence through their strategic use of sex and rum in trade. This approach to trade by Algonquian individuals altered “the meaning of exchange on the middle ground toward a commodity transfer whose end was private profit” (367). White shows that this is the first time in the pays d’en haut that the Algonquians approached trade from the angle of European-style commerce and represents a further shift in the middle ground, showing mutual adaptation.

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