39 pages 1 hour read

Why I Write

Nonfiction | Autobiography / Memoir | Adult | Published in 1946

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Part 2, Section 3Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Part 2: “The Lion and the Unicorn: Socialism and the English Genius”, Part 2, Section 3: “The English Revolution”

Part 2, Section 3, Chapter 1 Summary

Orwell claimed that an English political revolution was underway among the majority of the population. He wrote that the only way to establish the socialist society that the population was moving toward was to defeat Hitler; however, the only way to defeat Hitler was to become socialist and streamline production in a classless society.

Orwell examined the Labour Party’s failure to establish a more socialist English society. Orwell claimed that the Labour Party was “primarily a party of the trade unions, devoted to raising wages and improving working conditions” (65). He found the Labour Party hypocritical in its approach. Though it outwardly supported socialism and equality, in practicality it favored capitalism, as its workers depended upon the capitalistic gains of British imperialism.

Orwell focused on the issue of imperialism. He projected what action a Labour Party government might have taken if they had been elected: They would have (1) continued to operate the Empire as its predecessors did, disregarding socialist claims for equality, (2) given India its freedom and thereby opened it to the threat of Japanese, Italian, or German imperialism, or (3) established a federation of socialist states among England’s colonies. This third option would never have worked, Orwell argued, because the Labour Party had no influence in England’s military-industrial complex.

Orwell cited two periods of Communist Party influence in England. However, the movement never caught on as it appealed to a select class—the intelligentsia—and had a negligible influence in government. Briefly, Sir Oswald Mosley threatened to bring a fascism into England but failed. Mosley merely transplanted fascist ideas from Europe without amending them to fit the English national character.

Orwell claimed that “no one genuinely wanted any major change to happen” (69). The Labour Party’s continued failure rested in its inability to meet issues head-on and recruit competent leaders. The Labour Party’s socialism was nothing more than a different branch of conservatism.

With the advent of World War II, Orwell saw the opportunity for instituting real change through a socialist revolution. The economic, social, and ideological demands of World War II provided an opening for socialism to enter English society.

Part 2, Section 3, Chapter 2 Summary

Orwell continued his argument that wartime was an opportunity to facilitate social change. Not only did it pressure institutions to either perform or fail, it reminded the average citizen that they did not exist in a closed society but were part of a deeply interconnected global society. Orwell believed that socialist leaders must use England’s patriotism to unify its citizens. He acknowledged that violence was a possibility with any revolution. However, the oppositional minority would be so small as to mitigate this threat.

With a socialist revolution, it was possible for England’s people to propose their war aims. Orwell proposed a six-point plan that dealt with internal governmental restructuring and the changes necessary for administering England’s Empire.

The first point was nationalization of England’s major industries. By doing this, Orwell predicted that no one can live without working (thereby eliminating the “idle rich”) and the ruling class’s dissolution. By nationalizing production, each worker would feel part of the State: “the emphasis will be shifted from ownership to management, from privilege to competence” (76).

The second point addressed limiting income in England so that no one class was suffering from significant financial disparities. The third point concerned overhauling the education system and allowing pupils to receive State-funded education based on merit and not privilege. Fourthly, Orwell proposed giving India Dominion status, which would allow them equality and alliance with the ability to secede at any time. He regarded this as more beneficial than immediately granting them sovereignty because of how economically and militarily dependent India was on England. He argued other colonies of England should receive the same Dominion status.

Orwell’s fifth point proposed establishing an inclusive Imperial General Council. Here, England’s decolonized subjects would be represented. Orwell’s final point was to declare alliance with countries that had suffered from fascism, such as China. Orwell had faith that weekly publications would give the six-point plan publicity.

Orwell suggested that the general population’s desire for socialist revolution would make it inevitable, as well as calling forward competent socialist leadership. Though his six-point plan was radical, he argued that English socialism would leave the national character untouched. The past would be assimilated into a newer and more productive future of equality, federation, and the death of capitalism.

Part 2, Section 3, Chapter 3 Summary

Orwell compared patriotism and conservatism. He argued that the essential difference was patriotism’s “devotion to something that is always changing and yet is felt to be mystically the same” (85). He faulted the intelligentsia for their lack of patriotism and for harming England’s political development leading up to and during World War II. Though the left-wing intelligentsia were professedly anti-fascist after 1935, they did not explicitly support an alternative political system. They looked abroad to Europe for political, social, and economic models of society, which was rooted in a lack of faith in England. This resulted in a lessening of England’s morale. They needed to actively strengthen morale instead, Orwell argued. England’s aim, he said, should be to hold strong against fascist powers long enough for allies in America and England’s colonial holdings to assist in fighting.

Orwell acknowledged the ideological appeal of fascism, particularly in the lower classes where the difference between the absolutism of fascism and that of capitalism may have not seemed obvious. Orwell argued against the importation of European ideals, which threatened to undermine the “English genius.”

It was imperative, Orwell argued, that England choose active revolution over ideological apathy, and that the awakening qualities of revolution be enacted before the English government fell to Germany. Orwell ended this essay with the claim that revolution would make England more English; that by enacting such widespread yet needed change, England would move forward and “grow greater” match the threat of European fascism.

Part 2, Section 3 Analysis

Orwell wanted to change the imperialistic hypocrisy he found so prevalent in English society and proposed India dominion status as part of his six-point socialist war plan. By giving India dominion status, Orwell tried to reconcile the equality and sovereignty found within socialist principles with England’s inescapable imperialist history. England’s new role would be to help India toward a stable freedom without stripping them of England’s alliance and protection.

Though Orwell’s proposal of dominion status tried to reconcile the responsibilities of a former colonial power with the needs of a colonized people, he did not exhibit a desire for full equality across all of England’s colonial holdings: “And what applies to India applies, mutatis mutandis, to Burma, Malaya, and most of our African possessions” (80). Orwell said “most of our African possessions” without specifying which colonial communities would be excluded from dominion status. The phrase mutatis mutandis is a Latin phrases loosely paraphrased as “once all the necessary changes have been made.” Orwell did not signify which “necessary changes” must be made within these colonial spaces before they could receive dominion status.

Orwell focused his deconstruction of imperialism on India because it was England’s most populous and productive holding. By granting them the gesture of sovereignty, Orwell hoped to secure India as an ally with significant manpower to contribute to England’s war aims in World War II. Orwell’s vagueness, unspecific language, and use of a Latin term should be considered in the context of the final essay in this collection, “Politics and the English Language.” In that essay, he argued against two of these language transgressions.

Orwell tempered the radical nature of his six-point socialist war plan by assuring readers that the English national character—and, by extension, the individual characters of each Englishman—would not be affected by a socialist revolution. He used the examples of revolutions in France and Spain to claim that a country’s national character is so fixed as to be imperious to permutations and political change. Orwell claimed that “nations do not escape from their past by making a revolution.” (83) This statement allows the negative (or unnecessary) political permutations of a country to be excused as mere blips in the long history of a nation’s character. It can be applied to England, whose imperialistic policies need not infect the general population with its immorality and mismanagement, as well as fascist countries.

Orwell wrote frequently about defeating Hitler, the political and ideological head of Nazi Germany, but never blamed the citizens of Germany for supporting such a man. He believed the misdeeds of Germany during World War II did not touch the German national character (as represented by an average, working class German citizen). Revolution was no less a possibility than war, if the character of the individual in relation to their nation never changed. It was Hitler and Hitler’s ideology that was to blame. Orwell did not blame groups of people, such as Germans, but ideological institutions, like fascist governments.

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